The State of Conservatism
Essay circulated by Heritage Foundation yesterday - quite compelling to me and one of the great essays of our time.
The State of Conservatism
Lee Edwards
July 10, 2003
It's no secret that conservatives are independent, opinionated and contentious. But of late there seems to be an inordinate amount of feuding and fussing going on. Conservatives, neoconservatives and paleo-conservatives are using pretty strong language about each other.
Not too long ago, National Review featured a cover article by David Frum who declared war on paleo-conservatives, calling them "unpatriotic" conservatives who should be read out of the movement for "turning their backs on their country" and failing to support the war on terrorism. Chairman David Keene of the American Conservative Union responded that Frum had painted "with far too broad a brush" and said that while he supported the war in Iraq he did not like "nation-building."
The current neo-paleo feuding reminds me of the early 1980s when conservative professor Stephen Tonsor unloaded on neoconservatives at a national meeting of the Philadelphia Society: "It has always struck me as odd, even perverse," said Professor Tonsor, "that former Marxists have been permitted, yes invited, to play such a leading role in the Conservative movement of the twentieth century.
"It is splendid," the professor continued, "when the town [madam] gets religion and joins the church. Now and then she makes a good choir director. But when she begins to tell the minister what he ought to say in his Sunday sermons, matters have been carried too far."
Neoconservatives strongly protested Tonsor's stinging remarks, as they should have, because their significant contributions to the conservative movement are indisputable. President Reagan, as you will recall, called upon neoconservatives like Jeane Kirkpatrick to serve in his administration in a variety of important positions. The truth is that our movement needed then and needs today traditional conservatives, neoconservatives, libertarians, and honest conservatives of every variety. I applaud the recent suggestion of Donald Devine, who headed the Office of Personnel Management under President Reagan, who has called for a return to fusionist conservatism.
Conservatives should absorb the best of the various branches of the conservative mainstream and forge a consensus as the Founding Fathers did so brilliantly at the writing of the Constitution over two centuries ago. I am not disturbed at all by the current vigorous debate--it is a sign of the vitality of the conservative movement. Debate and dispute are a healthy thing as long as they do not descend into vituperation and ad hominem arguments. As for myself, whenever anyone asks me what I am, I reply – "I’m not Old Right or New Right or Paleo Right or Neo Right. I'm ... Just Right." Let us continue to debate but let us debate not personalities but principles, not individuals but issues, not ideology but ideas.
And what do conservatives stand for in the year 2003? The same principles that have guided us for 30, 50, 225 years. They include:
The transforming power of modern conservatism over the last several decades has been unmistakable. In the late 1940s, we seemed to be headed for a socialist world in which despots like Stalin and Mao could only be contained, not defeated. In the 1990s, we celebrated the collapse of communism and the adoption of liberal democracy and free markets around the world because of the leadership of charismatic conservatives like Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher.
The impact of modern conservatism here at home has been equally profound. There is strong skepticism about Big Government, a "leave us alone" attitude among the people that stretches back as far as the Founding of the Republic.
Because of conservative initiatives, several of the nation's leading cultural indicators such as violent crime, the number of Americans on welfare, the teenage suicide rate, and the child poverty rate have declined sharply. There is even a significant shift in the public's attitude about abortion, particularly the abhorrent practice of partial birth abortion.
The liberal historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr. wrote in 1947 that "there seems no inherent obstacle to the gradual advance of socialism in the United States through a series of New Deals." Five decades later, the conservative columnist George Will wrote that we have experienced "the intellectual collapse of socialism." The one political constant throughout these 50 years has been the rise of the Right whose path to national power and prominence was often interrupted by the death of our leaders, calamitous defeats at the polls, constant feuding within the ranks over means and ends, and the perennial hostility of the prevailing liberal establishment.
But through the power of our ideas--linked by the priceless principle of ordered liberty--and the effective dissemination and application of those ideas, the conservative movement has become a major and often the dominant player in the political and economic realms of the nation. And let me make an important distinction here. The conservative movement is an independent political movement not linked to any political party. We are not the lap dog of any politician, no matter how powerful or influential. Simply put, we are not for sale.
We are committed to preserving the permanent things like freedom, faith and family. We have kept our eye on the North Star of the Constitution. And because we have been faithful to our principles, you and I, on this Fourth of July, have much to celebrate.
Back in 1776, John Adams wrote his wife Abigail that the anniversary of our independence should be observed with great fanfare: "with pomp and parades ... shows and games ... and sports and guns and bells ... with bonfires and illuminations, from one end of the continent to the other, and from this time forevermore."
It was on July 4th, 1776, President Reagan noted, that one of history's greatest adventures began, when a small band of patriots in Philadelphia resolved to stake their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor on the cause of freedom and of independence. For well over two centuries now, America has prospered, guided by a deep faith in God and an unquenchable thirst for freedom.
Along the way, our ancestors faced terrible trials – the snows of Valley Forge, the crucible of a civil war, two global conflicts, a great depression, a Cold War that lasted more than 40 years. But they prevailed.
Today we are engaged in a new and different kind of conflict – a War on Terror – where the enemy plots in secret and strikes without warning. But I am confident that we shall meet this challenge as we have met every other challenge in our history – with faith, with determination, and with trust in each other. That is America's secret weapon – we the people.
As President Reagan said, an abiding belief in the people is how we have kept the spirit of our American Revolution alive – a spirit that encourages us to dream and dare, to take great risks or to make great sacrifices for a greater good.
This is the spirit of George Washington, Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, of the Wright brothers, Charles Lindbergh and our astronauts, of Robert Taft and Barry Goldwater, of Phyllis Schlafly and Clare Boothe Luce, of Russell Kirk and Richard Weaver, of Bill Buckley and Rush Limbaugh, of Robert Kreible, Henry Salvatori, and Richard Scaife – of all the philosophers and popularizers and politicians and philanthropists who have played their part in the ascendancy of American conservatism these past 50 years.
If we stick together as our Founding Fathers did, and if we remain true to our ideals as they did, we can be certain that our greatest days – America's greatest days – lie ahead.
Happy Birthday, America!
Lee Edwards, Ph.D. is a senior fellow at the Heritage Foundation.
©2003 Lee Edwards
The State of Conservatism
Lee Edwards
July 10, 2003
It's no secret that conservatives are independent, opinionated and contentious. But of late there seems to be an inordinate amount of feuding and fussing going on. Conservatives, neoconservatives and paleo-conservatives are using pretty strong language about each other.
Not too long ago, National Review featured a cover article by David Frum who declared war on paleo-conservatives, calling them "unpatriotic" conservatives who should be read out of the movement for "turning their backs on their country" and failing to support the war on terrorism. Chairman David Keene of the American Conservative Union responded that Frum had painted "with far too broad a brush" and said that while he supported the war in Iraq he did not like "nation-building."
The current neo-paleo feuding reminds me of the early 1980s when conservative professor Stephen Tonsor unloaded on neoconservatives at a national meeting of the Philadelphia Society: "It has always struck me as odd, even perverse," said Professor Tonsor, "that former Marxists have been permitted, yes invited, to play such a leading role in the Conservative movement of the twentieth century.
"It is splendid," the professor continued, "when the town [madam] gets religion and joins the church. Now and then she makes a good choir director. But when she begins to tell the minister what he ought to say in his Sunday sermons, matters have been carried too far."
Neoconservatives strongly protested Tonsor's stinging remarks, as they should have, because their significant contributions to the conservative movement are indisputable. President Reagan, as you will recall, called upon neoconservatives like Jeane Kirkpatrick to serve in his administration in a variety of important positions. The truth is that our movement needed then and needs today traditional conservatives, neoconservatives, libertarians, and honest conservatives of every variety. I applaud the recent suggestion of Donald Devine, who headed the Office of Personnel Management under President Reagan, who has called for a return to fusionist conservatism.
Conservatives should absorb the best of the various branches of the conservative mainstream and forge a consensus as the Founding Fathers did so brilliantly at the writing of the Constitution over two centuries ago. I am not disturbed at all by the current vigorous debate--it is a sign of the vitality of the conservative movement. Debate and dispute are a healthy thing as long as they do not descend into vituperation and ad hominem arguments. As for myself, whenever anyone asks me what I am, I reply – "I’m not Old Right or New Right or Paleo Right or Neo Right. I'm ... Just Right." Let us continue to debate but let us debate not personalities but principles, not individuals but issues, not ideology but ideas.
And what do conservatives stand for in the year 2003? The same principles that have guided us for 30, 50, 225 years. They include:
- The private sector can be depended upon to make better economic decisions than the public sector in 99 out of 100 cases.
- Government serves the governed best when it is limited.
- Individuals must exercise responsibility along with freedom.
- There is an enduring moral order.
- Peace is best protected through military strength.
- America should not hesitate to use its power and influence to shape a world friendly to American interests and values.
The transforming power of modern conservatism over the last several decades has been unmistakable. In the late 1940s, we seemed to be headed for a socialist world in which despots like Stalin and Mao could only be contained, not defeated. In the 1990s, we celebrated the collapse of communism and the adoption of liberal democracy and free markets around the world because of the leadership of charismatic conservatives like Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher.
The impact of modern conservatism here at home has been equally profound. There is strong skepticism about Big Government, a "leave us alone" attitude among the people that stretches back as far as the Founding of the Republic.
Because of conservative initiatives, several of the nation's leading cultural indicators such as violent crime, the number of Americans on welfare, the teenage suicide rate, and the child poverty rate have declined sharply. There is even a significant shift in the public's attitude about abortion, particularly the abhorrent practice of partial birth abortion.
The liberal historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr. wrote in 1947 that "there seems no inherent obstacle to the gradual advance of socialism in the United States through a series of New Deals." Five decades later, the conservative columnist George Will wrote that we have experienced "the intellectual collapse of socialism." The one political constant throughout these 50 years has been the rise of the Right whose path to national power and prominence was often interrupted by the death of our leaders, calamitous defeats at the polls, constant feuding within the ranks over means and ends, and the perennial hostility of the prevailing liberal establishment.
But through the power of our ideas--linked by the priceless principle of ordered liberty--and the effective dissemination and application of those ideas, the conservative movement has become a major and often the dominant player in the political and economic realms of the nation. And let me make an important distinction here. The conservative movement is an independent political movement not linked to any political party. We are not the lap dog of any politician, no matter how powerful or influential. Simply put, we are not for sale.
We are committed to preserving the permanent things like freedom, faith and family. We have kept our eye on the North Star of the Constitution. And because we have been faithful to our principles, you and I, on this Fourth of July, have much to celebrate.
Back in 1776, John Adams wrote his wife Abigail that the anniversary of our independence should be observed with great fanfare: "with pomp and parades ... shows and games ... and sports and guns and bells ... with bonfires and illuminations, from one end of the continent to the other, and from this time forevermore."
It was on July 4th, 1776, President Reagan noted, that one of history's greatest adventures began, when a small band of patriots in Philadelphia resolved to stake their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor on the cause of freedom and of independence. For well over two centuries now, America has prospered, guided by a deep faith in God and an unquenchable thirst for freedom.
Along the way, our ancestors faced terrible trials – the snows of Valley Forge, the crucible of a civil war, two global conflicts, a great depression, a Cold War that lasted more than 40 years. But they prevailed.
Today we are engaged in a new and different kind of conflict – a War on Terror – where the enemy plots in secret and strikes without warning. But I am confident that we shall meet this challenge as we have met every other challenge in our history – with faith, with determination, and with trust in each other. That is America's secret weapon – we the people.
As President Reagan said, an abiding belief in the people is how we have kept the spirit of our American Revolution alive – a spirit that encourages us to dream and dare, to take great risks or to make great sacrifices for a greater good.
This is the spirit of George Washington, Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, of the Wright brothers, Charles Lindbergh and our astronauts, of Robert Taft and Barry Goldwater, of Phyllis Schlafly and Clare Boothe Luce, of Russell Kirk and Richard Weaver, of Bill Buckley and Rush Limbaugh, of Robert Kreible, Henry Salvatori, and Richard Scaife – of all the philosophers and popularizers and politicians and philanthropists who have played their part in the ascendancy of American conservatism these past 50 years.
If we stick together as our Founding Fathers did, and if we remain true to our ideals as they did, we can be certain that our greatest days – America's greatest days – lie ahead.
Happy Birthday, America!
Lee Edwards, Ph.D. is a senior fellow at the Heritage Foundation.
©2003 Lee Edwards
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